Policy Perspective
A New Comeback Kid?
By Tim Hibbitts
Now that Loki, Norse god of mischief, has finished wreaking havoc with the college
football season (did Appalachian State really beat Michigan?), he has turned his attention
to the presidential election. How else does one explain the remarkable resurgence of Sen.
John McCain on the Republican side and the twists and turns of the Democratic race?
Seriously, the McCain renaissance is one of the more amazing comebacks in presidential
election history. McCain’s campaign collapsed last summer and he was written off by
most of the pundits. Every other major Republican contender had a shot to grab the pole
spot in the nomination process, and incredibly, they all failed in their own unique way.
Still, as the Duke of Wellington is reported to have said after defeating Napoleon at
Waterloo, “It was a damned near run thing, the damndest near run thing you ever saw.”
The crusty McCain could have been derailed a number of times in the primary season, yet
repeatedly escaped by narrow margins, beating Romney in New Hampshire, Huckabee in
South Carolina, Romney and Giuliani in Florida, and delivering the effective clincher on
Super Tuesday by edging out Huckabee by 1 percent in winner-take-all Missouri and
downing Romney by seven points in California to win the vast majority of delegates at
stake there. In only one of those primaries did McCain collect 40 percent of the vote
(California).
Normally, after securing a nomination, the winner tacks to the center to try to win over
some of the swing voters. But, McCain has been forced to go to the right to placate the
base of his own party, truly an unusual situation for the presumptive nominee of a major
party. Even in Wisconsin, with the near full backing of the party grandees, McCain
received only 55 percent of the primary vote. If the Democrats had already settled on a
nominee, this would be a difficult situation, to say the least. Yet, the ongoing Democrat
contest has given McCain cover to woo as much of the right as he can to his side, while
most of the attention is focused on the Democrat fight. No doubt the senator from
Arizona would be happy to hold the coats of Sens. Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama for
as long as necessary for them to settle their scrap, but that race may be coming to an end.
Regarding the Democrats, I assume that you are reading this shortly after the 4th
of
March. If the Democrat contest is still going on, it means that Clinton won both Ohio and
Texas and has at least blunted Obama’s momentum. If the race is over, it means that
Clinton lost at least one of those two states and was either forced, or made the decision,
to end her campaign. It is hard to believe, given external events and the overall public
mood, that the Republicans have a good chance of retaining the White House this year,
but the contest between the Democrats has given the GOP some hope to hold on to the
presidency. The longer a seriously contested nominating process goes on for a party, the
more bitter it becomes, and the more damage it does to that party’s chances of winning
the White House (think Democrats in 1968, 1980 and 1984, and Republicans in 1976). So, the McCain camp has every reason to hope for, and encourage in whatever way they
can, further Democrat wrangling.
On top of this, the Democrat coalitions of Clinton and Obama have been distinctly
different, at least until Wisconsin, where Obama broke into Clinton’s key voting blocs
and poached heavily from them. The Clinton coalition is older, less educated, lower
income, Hispanic, and mostly women. The Obama coalition is younger, better educated,
higher income, African American, and men. Again, Wisconsin broke the pattern, and if
that continues in Ohio and Texas, the nomination race will effectively be over on the
morning of March 5, whether Clinton acknowledges it or not.
Otherwise the race drags on for six more weeks until Pennsylvania on April 22 — and
that would be a very contentious period, followed by the last round of primaries in May
and early June. If it is still close, team Clinton will fight for every super delegate and to
get the disputed Florida and Michigan delegations seated at the convention. If that occurs,
there will be a floor fight in Denver, and the convention ends on August 28, barely nine
weeks before the general election. That leaves little time for any bad feelings engendered
by the process to heal up, no matter who wins.
The demographic splits in the Democratic Party are important because McCain has a
chance to pick up voters whose candidate loses the Democratic nomination. Polling data
suggests that many of Clinton’s downscale white voters are going to have trouble
supporting Obama; many of Obama’s upscale white voters, and some black voters, might
well move to McCain if Clinton is the nominee. Some of the analysts have completely
overlooked this; they have focused on exit polls showing that 80 percent of Democrats
would be happy with either candidate winning the nomination. Maybe so, but that still
leaves 20 percent who wouldn’t be, and within that 20 percent are a lot of voters McCain
might have an opportunity to woo, regardless of which candidate wins the Democratic
nomination.
Right now, the balance of polls suggests that Obama is the stronger general election
candidate against McCain. That may be so, but it would be wise to recall that someone
who looks strong in February may not look so good in October, or even July. After all, in
May 1992, Ross Perot was leading the polls, with George H. W. Bush second, and Bill
Clinton a distant third with barely 20 percent of the vote. Obama has tremendous political
skills and up to now has run the best campaign by far of any of the surviving candidates.
But, he also has benefitted from incredibly favorable press coverage, something that is
changing now that he is seen as a frontrunner by the media. We don’t know how the
candidate and the campaign will handle that status. The vetting process may lead to a few
dents and scratches on the Obama-mobile but still leave him standing strong as a
potential president. But, it is also possible that there will be serious damage to Obama
that will raise doubts about his ability to win in November. Obama looks like the better
bet for Democrats desperate to win in November, but that might not be the case by the
summertime.
When one looks at the broader political climate extant in the country, it makes no sense
that a Republican has much chance of winning this year. The outgoing president of the
party has been mired in the low 30s approval-wise for two years with no indications that
is going to change. The economy is going soft and we remain in Iraq with 60 percent of
the voters saying that the war was a mistake, even as they acknowledge that the surge has
had some success in improving conditions there. Indeed, it would be unprecedented in
modern times for the incumbent party to keep the White House in this situation.
McCain knows the odds against winning in November, but they probably don’t scare him
too much. After all, four months ago he was in fifth place in national polls for the
Republican nomination. He’ll need more good fortune in the next eight months to win in
November.
BrainstormNW - March 2008
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